Tariq Saeedi
The recent meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Busan, South Korea, on October 30 feels like a breath of fresh air in an otherwise tense international landscape.
Their bilateral talks led to breakthroughs on tariffs, rare earth minerals, and trade disputes, fostering a palpable mood of reconciliation that could reshape alliances far beyond the Pacific.
This comes at a pivotal moment, just days before Trump hosts the presidents of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan in Washington, D.C., for the C5+1 summit on November 6—a gathering that marks the 10th anniversary of this format and promises to be a litmus test for America’s engagement in Central Asia.
All five Central Asian leaders have confirmed their attendance, signaling a collective willingness to engage with the U.S. on terms that protect and advance their national interests.
In the wake of the Trump-Xi discussions, where the two superpowers skirted detailed talks on Russia but agreed on the need for a swift resolution to the Ukraine conflict, there’s reason for optimism that the Washington summit won’t devolve into a platform for pressuring Central Asia to distance itself from its longstanding partners in Beijing and Moscow.
After all, the region’s presidents are likely to present a united front on shared priorities, from economic stability to security, underscoring that any productive dialogue must respect the intricate web of ties that bind Central Asia to its neighbors.
This is no small matter.
Central Asia’s geography and history have woven it deeply into the fabric of relations with China, Russia, and nearby powers like Iran and Afghanistan. The Belt and Road Initiative has poured billions into infrastructure, while Russian energy and security pacts remain cornerstones for many in the region.
For U.S. policymakers, the smart play isn’t disruption but integration—preserving these relationships while carving out space for American investment. An inclusive approach would serve U.S. interests best, allowing private sector giants in tech, energy, and agriculture to tap into Central Asia’s vast potential without forcing zero-sum choices.
Take the region’s pragmatic stance toward Afghanistan under Taliban rule, for instance. Central Asian states have maintained robust economic exchanges and provided steady humanitarian aid, all while withholding formal recognition pending broader international consensus. This balanced strategy has helped stem potential floods of narcotics and the spread of extremism or terrorism from across the border, proving that engagement, not isolation, is the key to regional stability.
American leaders would do well to align with this, perhaps by supporting joint initiatives on border security and trade corridors that benefit everyone involved.
Moreover, the ongoing sidelining of Iran and Russia from global mainstream can’t last forever. At some point, these nations will reintegrate, and when they do, it will be to the U.S.’s advantage.
America’s true strength lies in its dynamic private sector, which stands to gain enormously from re-entering Iranian and Russian markets—think energy deals, tech exports, and supply chain efficiencies. A more connected Central Asia, acting as a bridge, would only amplify these opportunities, turning the region into a stronger, more reliable partner for Washington.
The Trump administration’s flexibility has been on full display lately, from the Busan truce to broader diplomatic pivots, and there’s every hope this extends to the C5+1 talks.
Security and economic issues are poised to dominate the agenda, with critical minerals emerging as a prime area for collaboration—Kazakhstan alone supplies a significant chunk of the world’s uranium and holds vast reserves of rare earths, copper, and lithium that could feed into U.S. supply chains, especially now that tensions with China are easing. Add to that the burgeoning Middle Corridor, a trade route across the Caspian that’s doubled its cargo volumes in recent years and offers a resilient alternative to paths controlled by others; U.S. support for its infrastructure and digital upgrades could complement, rather than compete with, Chinese initiatives, fostering a multipolar connectivity that benefits all.
Beyond resources and routes, the summit could address pressing shared challenges like water management and climate resilience—the shrinking Aral Sea is a stark reminder of how environmental issues transcend borders, and U.S. expertise in green tech could pair well with regional efforts. Counter-terrorism cooperation, building on post-Afghanistan lessons, might also feature, emphasizing intelligence sharing without ideological overreach.
In the end, the summit’s success hinges on embracing inclusivity over exclusion.
By recognizing Central Asia’s multivector diplomacy—balancing powers without alienation—the U.S. can forge enduring partnerships that enhance global stability and prosperity. — The de facto policy of neutrality of the region demands respect and recognition.
With the winds of reconciliation blowing from Busan, November 6 could mark not just a meeting, but a turning point toward a more cooperative world order. /// nCa, 3 November 2025